Extremism in Germany

Professor Wolfgang Wippermann is a lecturer of modern politics and the Free University in Berlin and an author of works on far-right extremism, the Third Reich and the Holocaust.

DW-WORLD.DE: What are the differences between the French political system and the German one which allow a right-wing extremist like Jean-Marie Le Pen to campaign and operate at the highest level in France? (Constitutional regulations, laws against xenophobia etc.)

Wippermann: The main difference lies not in the political system, but concerns the people involved. Extremist organizations need strong leaders to be successful. But Le Pen, while a charismatic leader in the past, is now too old for anyone to consider him powerful. However, the German equivalent, Gerhard Frey, still pales into insignificance beside him. And that is one reason why it is unlikely that Frey would ever be able to reach a similar level. Strong German fascism is inconceivable without a "Führer."

That is not to say that there is no danger of this happening in Germany again. While there are laws that prevent the glorification of the Third Reich and forbid anti-Semitism, there is still a burgeoning far-right movement in Germany, in particular in the former East German states where there are even "no-go areas" controlled by extremists which present a great risk to foreigners should they enter them. Also, recent research shows that at least 20 percent of Germans profess hatred towards foreigners while 40 percent admit to anti-Semitic feelings and even more, 64-68 percent holds grudges against Roma and gypsies.

Are there any laws and structures in place in Germany to prevent a radical right-wing leader from rising to power?

While there are rules in place which protect the constitution in Germany, most have been installed to prevent a repeat of Germany's history but are out-dated when dealing with modern fascism.

What are the social differences between France and Germany which allow Le Pen to have such support?

Le Pen taps into the anti-democratic and Napoleonic tradition of fascism in France. There is the heightened fear of the foreigner, especially Arab Muslim immigrants who are blamed for all the sins in France, mainly unemployment and crime. The issue of unemployment for the native citizens is one which is also a hot topic in Germany. Turkish immigrants in Germany are seen in the very same way as North African immigrants are in France. But in France, there is a very strong movement for "France for the French," something which the Germans would not allow due to their history of nationalism. Le Pen is seen as a man of the people who has struggled and felt the pain of the common man in dealing with the hardships which have been brought on France allegedly by the foreigner. Germany has no connection like that with its far-right movement.

Is it possible that a social change could happen in modern Germany where a figure like Le Pen achieves credibility and support within the electorate?

Yes and no. The Germans from today are, according to my appraisals after teaching history for 30 years, better at learning from their fascist past than the French and are better at appraising the present dangers. However, it cannot be said that democracy is anchored in Germany more firmly than it is in France. Both France and Germany have had to learn the lessons of the past and must look to each other for guidance on dealing with the future.

Nick Amies interviewed Wolfgang Wippermann